Welcome — I am an Assistant Professor of Politics and International Affairs at Princeton University. My research interests lie in political economy, comparative politics, development, and environment, with a regional focus on South Asia including Pakistan, India, and Nepal. Before joining Princeton, I was an Assistant Professor of Political Science at Stanford University. I received my Ph.D. in Politics at New York University in 2017. My Google Scholar profile is available here.

Contact: 001 Fisher Hall, Princeton, NJ 08544-1012. gulzar(at)princeton(dot)edu

Publications

15. “Can Party Elites Shape the Rank-and-File? Evidence from a Recruitment Experiment in India” Accepted (pending data review)
American Political Science Review,
with Durgesh Pathak, Sarah Thompson, and Aliz Toth (+)

Abstract: Recruiting a large number of ground workers is crucial for running effective modern election campaigns. It is unclear if party leaders can shape the quality and quantity of the unpaid rank-and-file workforce as they can with prized nominations for candidates. We analyze a field experiment conducted by an Indian party that randomized recruitment messages reaching 1% of a 13-million-person electorate to join its rank-and-file. Contrary to concerns that parties can only attract a few poor-quality volunteers, we show that elite efforts can shape the rank-and-file. In fact, specific strategies can increase the size, enhance the gender and ethnic diversity, and broaden the education and political skills of recruits. Strategies that signal gender inclusiveness have a lasting impact on some dimensions up to three years later. Taken together, this paper provides the first causal evidence that rank-and-file recruitment is an opportunity for elites to shape long-term party development.

14. “Good Politicians: Experimental Evidence on Motivations for Political Candidacy and Government Performance” (forthcoming)

Review of Economic Studies, with Muhammad Yasir Khan (+)

saad_fieldAbstract: How can we motivate good politicians – those that will carry out policy that is responsive to citizens’ preferences – to enter politics? In a field experiment in Pakistan, we vary how political office is portrayed to ordinary citizens. Emphasizing prosocial motives for holding political office instead of personal returns – such as the ability to help others versus enhancing one’s own respect and status – raises the likelihood that individuals run for office and that voters elect them. A year later, the treatment improves the alignment of policy with citizens’ preferences. These effects emerge only when treatments are randomly delivered in a public setting. Taken together, the results demonstrate that how politics is perceived shapes who decides to run for office, who is elected, as well the policies that democracies deliver.

13. “Representation and Forest Conservation: Evidence from India’s Scheduled Areas” (forthcoming)
American Political Science Review,
with Apoorva Lal and Benjamin Pasquale  (+)

– Winner of the Paul A. Sabatier Best Award for best conference paper on Science, Technology, & Environmental Politics
Presentation at CEGA Evidence2Action Summit
Presentation at Asoka University, TCDP

Abstract: How does political representation affect conservation? We argue that the mixed evidence in the literature may be driven by institutional arrangements that provide authority to marginalized communities, but do not make adequate arrangements to truly boost their voice in resource management. We study a 1996 law that created local government councils with mandated representation for India’s Scheduled Tribes, a community of 100 million. Using difference-in-differences designs, we find that the dramatic increase in ST representation led to a substantial increase in tree cover and a reduction in deforestation. We present suggestive evidence that representation enabled marginalized communities to better pursue their interests, which, unlike commercial operations such as mining, are compatible with forest conservation. While conservation policy tends to stress environmentally-focused institutions, we suggest more attention be given to umbrella institutions, such as political representation, which can address conservation and development for marginalized communities in tandem.

12. “Inaccurate Forecasting of a Randomized Controlled Trial” (forthcoming)
Journal of Experimental Political Science, with Mats Ahrehshop, Miriam Golden, and Luke Sonnet  (+)

Abstract: We report results of a forecasting experiment about a randomized controlled trial that was conducted in the field. The experiment asks Ph.D. students, faculty, and policy practitioners to forecast (1) compliance rates for the RCT and (2) treatment effects of the intervention. The forecasting experiment randomizes the order of questions about compliance and treatment effects and the provision of information that a pilot experiment had been conducted which produced null results. Forecasters were excessively optimistic about treatment effects and unresponsive to item order as well as to information about a pilot. Those who declare themselves expert in the area relevant to the intervention are particularly resistant to new information that the treatment is ineffective. We interpret our results as suggesting that we should exercise caution when undertaking expert forecasting, since experts may have unrealistic expectations and may be inflexible in altering these even when provided new information.

11. “Extending the Formal State: The Case of Pakistan’s Frontier Crimes Regulation (forthcoming)
Economica, with Michael CallenArman Rezaee, and Jacob Shapiro (+)

fcr_over_timeAbstract: Why do modern states allow parts of their territory to be governed by non-state actors? We explore this using the Frontier Crimes Regulation (FCR) in Pakistan, a British Colonial law only abrogated in 2018, which left governance to pre-colonial tribal councils in large parts of modern day Pakistan. In areas where the FCR did not apply, the British and Pakistani state built modern political and bureaucratic institutions. Using primary legal documents, we build a dataset of when and where FCR applied between 1901 and 2012. The territorial extent of the formal state is both cleanly demarcated by this law and varies substantially over time, permitting an empirical examination of the determinants of state control. The data reveal that the Green Revolution’s potential to transform agriculture played a major role in extending the formal state. The law was repealed from areas where agricultural productivity stood to benefit the most from the Green Revolution during 1960s. This is consistent with a model where technological changes that shift the returns to control influence where states choose to govern.

10. “The Political Economy of Public Sector Absence” (2023)
Journal of Public Economics, with Michael Callen, Ali Hasanain, Muhammad Yasir Khan, and Arman Rezaee (+)

– Blog post on the paper at Vox EU
Paper Summary at JPAL

Abstract: The paper examines how politics relates to public sector absenteeism, a chronic and intractable public service delivery problem in many developing countries. In Punjab, Pakistan, we document that political interference routinely protects doctors from sanction in the health bureaucracy, while personal connections between doctors and politicians and a lack of political competition are associated with more doctor absence. We then examine how politics impacts the success of an at-scale policy reform to combat absenteeism. We find that the reform was more effective at increasing doctor atten- dance in politically competitive constituencies, both through increased monitoring and through senior health officials more effectively responding to data on poor performing health facilities. Our results demonstrate that politics can block the success of reform; instead of lifting the poor performers up, the reform improved places that were already performing better than others. The evidence collectively points to the fundamental importance of accounting for political incentives for policy design and implementation.

9. “Can Campaign Contribution Limits Curb the Influence of Money in Politics?” (2022)
American Journal of Political Science, 66(4) with Miguel R. Rueda and Nelson A. Ruiz (preprint version)(appendix) (+)

– Summary at AJPS
– Winner of AJPS Best Paper award

Abstract: Over 40% of countries around the world have adopted limits on campaign contributions to curb the influence of money in politics. Yet, we have limited knowledge of whether and how these limits achieve this goal. Using a regression discontinuity design that exploits institutional rules on contribution limits in Colombian municipalities, we show that looser limits increase the number of public contracts assigned to donors to the elected candidate. This is explained by looser limits increasing the influence of top donors over the elected candidate, rather than reducing electoral competition or changing who is elected to office. We further show that looser limits worsen the quality of public contracts given to the winner’s donors: These contracts are more likely to run over their stipulated costs. Overall, this article links looser campaign contribution limits, donor kickbacks, and worse performance of contracts awarded to donors.

8. “How Campaigns Respond to Ballot Position: A New Mechanism for Order Effects” (2022)
Journal of Politics, 84(2) 
with Thomas S. Robinson and Nelson A. Ruiz (appendix) (+)

Abstract: An established finding on ballot design is that prominent positions on the ballot improves the electoral performance of parties or candidates because voters respond behaviorally to salient information. This paper presents evidence on an additional unexplored mechanism: campaigns, who act before voters, adjust their behavior when allocated a salient position on the ballot. We use a constituency-level lottery of ballot positions in Colombia and first establish that a ballot-order effect exists: campaigns randomly placed at the top earn more votes and seat shares. Second, we show that campaigns react to being placed on top of the ballot: they raise and spend more money on their campaign and spending is correlated with higher vote shares. In addition to presenting evidence for how campaigns react strategically to election administration, our results provide the first evidence for a new mechanism for the ballot-order effects examined in many previous studies.

7. “Information, Candidate Selection, and Quality of Representation: Evidence from Nepal” (2021)
Journal of Politics, 83(4) with Zuhad Hai and Binod Kumar Paudel (appendix)(replication) (+)

Abstract: This paper studies candidate selection by party leaders and asks whether poor information about public preferences can lead elite choices to diverge from mass opinion. Working with a political party in Nepal, we show that while elites value voter preferences, these preferences only explain one-third of elite candidate selection. Next, we embed an experiment in actual candidate selection deliberations for this party and find that party leaders not only select different candidates when polling data are presented to them, but that their updated decisions also improve the party’s vote share. The results suggest that closing the information gap between elites and voters has the power to improve the quality of representation.

6. “Who Enters Politics and Why?” (2021)
 Annual Review of Political Science (+)

Abstract: Despite the importance of politicians, empirical work rarely examines who decides to enter politics and why. This survey presents conceptual issues in measuring political entry; reviews work on individual, organizational, and institutional determinants of political entry; and summarizes the main findings and puzzles related to the representation/competence trade-off in recent microcensus studies on who runs for office. Fruitful directions for future work are highlighted throughout the article.

5. “Does Political Affirmative Action Work, and for Whom? Theory and Evidence on India’s Scheduled Areas” (2020) 
American Political Science Review,
114(4), pp. 1230-1246, with Nicholas Haas and Benjamin Pasquale (ungated version)(appendix)(bibtex)(replication) (+)

scheduled_blocks

– Winner of the Lawrence Longley Award for best article published in previous year on representation & electoral systems, 2021
– Oxford CSAE seminar presentation (youtube)
– Video blog and short summary at Ideas for India

Abstract: Does political affirmative action undermine or promote development? We present the first systematic analysis of Scheduled Areas in India, home to 100 million, where local political office is reserved for the historically disadvantaged Scheduled Tribes. A newly constructed dataset of 217,000 villages allows us to probe conflicting hypotheses on the implementation of the world’s largest workfare program, the National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme. We find that reservations deliver no worse overall outcomes, that there are large gains for targeted minorities, and that these gains come at the cost of the relatively privileged, not other minorities. We also find improvements in other pro-poor programs, including a rural roads program and general public goods. Reservations more closely align benefits to each group’s population share, allaying concerns of overcompensation for inequalities. Contrary to the expectations of skeptics, results indicate that affirmative action can redistribute both political and economic power without hindering overall development.

4. “Data and Policy Decisions: Experimental Evidence from Pakistan” (2020)
Journal of Development Economics, 146 with Michael Callen, Ali Hasanain, Muhammad Yasir Khan, and Arman Rezaee (preprint)(bibtex) (+)

Coverage in The Economistdashboard
Featured Story on the World Bank website
Coverage on World Bank’s Governance for Development Blog
Project Summary at International Growth Center
Coverage in Herald Magazine
– Best Paper Award at NYU Graduate Political Economy Conference, 2013

Abstract: We evaluate a program in Pakistan that equips government health inspectors with a smartphone app which channels data on rural clinics to senior policy makers. The system led to rural clinics being inspected 104% more often after 6 months, but only 43.8% more often after a year, with the latter estimate not attaining significance at conventional levels. There is also no clear evidence that the increase in inspections led to increases in general staff attendance. In addition, we test whether senior officials act on the information provided by the system. Focusing only on districts where the app is deployed, we find that highlighting poorly performing facilities on a dashboard viewed by supervisors raises doctor attendance by 75%. Our results indicate that technology may be able to mobilize data to useful effect, even in low capacity settings.

3. “Can Political Alignment be Costly?” (2020)
Journal of Politics, 82(2), pp. 612–626. with Michael Callen, and Arman Rezaee (bibtex) (replication) (preprint) (+)

– Best Paper Award at George Mason University Graduate Conference, 2014clinics

Abstract: Research on the benefits of political alignment suggests that voters who elect governing party politicians are better off than those who elect other politicians. We examine this claim with regression discontinuity designs that isolate the effect of electing a governing party politician on an important publicly provided service in Pakistan: health. Consistent with existing research, governing party constituents receive a higher quantity of services: more doctors are assigned to work in governing party areas. However, despite many more assigned doctors, there is no increase in doctor attendance. These findings contrast with the literature on political alignment by showing that alignment to the governing party affects voters’ welfare ambiguously: higher potential quantity of services may come at the cost of lower quality. 

2. “Political Identity: Experimental Evidence on Anti-Americanism in Pakistan” (2020)
Journal of the European Economic Association, 
18(5), pp. 2532-2560. with Leonardo Bursztyn, Michael Callen, Bruno Ferman, Ali Hasanain & Noam Yuchtman (appendix) (bibtex) (replication) (+)

Abstract: peshWe identify Pakistani men’s willingness to pay to preserve their anti-American identity using two experiments imposing clearly-specified financial costs on anti-American expression, with minimal consequential or social considerations. In two distinct studies, one-quarter to one-third of subjects forgo payments from the U.S. government worth around one-fifth of a day’s wage to avoid an identity-threatening choice: anonymouslychecking a box indicating gratitude toward the U.S. government. We find sensitivity to both payment size and anticipated social context: when subjects anticipate that rejection will be observable by others, rejection falls suggesting that, for some, social image can outweigh self-image. 

1.“Politicians, Bureaucrats, and Development: Evidence from India” (2017) 
American Political Science Review, 111(1), pp. 162–183. with Benjamin J. Pasquale (bibtex) (+)

– “Too many politicians spoiling the babu’s broth” Blogpost in Mint
– “When does politics work for development?” Blogpost on the paper in Ideas for India
– Inaugural Best Paper Award by the Quality of Government Institute at Gothenburg University, 2017
– Best Paper Award at UCLA Graduate Conference in Comparative Politics, 2015

Abstract: When do politicians prompt bureaucrats to provide effective services? Leveraging the uneven overlap of jurisdictions in India, we compare bureaucrats supervised by a single political principal with those supervised by multiple politicians. With an original dataset of nearly half a million villages, we find that implementation of India’s National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme, the largest employment program in the world, is substantially better where bureaucrats answer to a single politician. Regression discontinuity estimates help increase confidence that this result is causal. Our findings suggest that politicians face strong incentives to motivate bureaucrats as long as they internalize the benefits from doing so. In contrast to a large literature on the deleterious effects of political interventions, our results show that political influence may be more favorable to development than is commonly assumed. 

Working Papers

No Smoke Without a Fire: Bureaucratic Incentives, Crop Burning, and Public Health in South Asia, with Gemma Dipoppa (Brown) Revise & Resubmit, Nature (+)

Abstract: Air pollution in South Asia is one of the largest health emergencies on the planet responsible for two million deaths every year. At least a third of the problem is caused by crop residue burning (CRB). Every intervention addressing this issue requires involving the government in the implementation of programs at scale. We study bureaucratic incentives to reduce CRB using a decade of wind, fire, and health data from satellites and DHS surveys. We find that CRB responds to bureaucrats’ incentives: when wind takes pollution to neighboring jurisdictions, CRB increases; when CRB pollutes the home jurisdiction, it decreases. Both effects increase with the strength of bureaucratic incentives and capacity. We also document that bureaucratic action against CRB cre- ates deterrence among polluters. Finally, using an atmospheric model, we estimate large impacts of bureaucratic control over CRB on child mortality. Contrary to growing beliefs that the problem of CRB is intractable, our findings highlight specific ways in which existing bureaucrats, when properly incentivized, can substantially improve environment and public health outcomes.

Personalities and Public Sector Performance: Evidence from a Health Experiment in Pakistan“, NBER Working Paper No. 21180 | BREAD Working Paper No. 448,  with Michael Callen (LSE), Ali Hasanain (LUMS), Muhammad Yasir Khan (Pitt), and Arman Rezaee (UC Davis) Revise & Resubmit, Economic Development and Cultural Change (+)

– Paper summary at CEGA, University of California
Project Brief at IGC
Coverage in The Guardian
Blog post at IDEAS

Abstract: This paper provides evidence that the personalities of policymakers matter for policy. Three results support the relevance of personalities for policy. First, doctors with higher Big Five and Perry Public Sector Motivation scores attend work more and falsify inspection reports less. Second, health inspectors who score higher on these measures exhibit larger treatment responses to increased monitoring. Last, senior health officials with higher personality scores respond more to data on staff absence by compelling better subsequent attendance. These results suggest that interpersonal differences matter are consequential for state performance.

‘Press 1 for Roads’: Why Politicians Avoid Communication with Voters” with Miriam Golden (EUI) and Luke Sonnet (Independent scholar) (under review) (+)

– Funded by JPAL Governance Initiative, International Growth Center and Empirical Studies of Conflict
Project summary at JPAL
– Pilot report for IGC

Abstract: We report results of a randomized control trial conducted in Pakistan that uses Interactive Voice Response (IVR) to augment existing face-to-face communication between politicians and voters. IVR allows politicians to script questions for voters and voters to respond on cell phones. Politicians initially exhibit willingness to engage via IVR, commit- ting to recording multiple rounds. However, the intervention unexpectedly transformed from intensive to light-touch when politicians uniformly withdrew after a single round. Drawing on three dozen open-ended interviews, we find the about-face was triggered when voters misinterpreted communication as policy commitments by politicians. Politicians lack ade- quate resources to deliver services requested by voters. That the intervention backfired for politicians highlights objective constraints on service delivery in poor countries that hinder responsiveness by even well-intentioned political representatives.

The Kindness of Strangers: Pro-sociality, Trust, and Gender in 25,000 Everyday Interactions Around the World” with Salma Mousa (UCLA) (under review) (+)

Abstract: We examine how gender shapes 25,000 everyday interactions between strangers around the world. We manipulate the gender, class, and ethnicity of research assistants approaching pedestrians, then measure whether pedestrians: provide directions, help with dropped groceries, or lend their cell phones to the research assistant. Across all countries and experiments, we find that women are more likely to be helped — but less likely to help a stranger in need — compared to men, driven by gendered safety concerns. Gender is a larger and more consistent determinant of behavior than ethnicity or class. Survey questions on social trust correlate strongly with our outcomes on average — but cannot recover the gender gap we observe in real-world behavior. These findings highlight the critical role of gender in shaping social trust and participation in the public sphere more broadly.

Pessimistic Beliefs of Norms: Descriptive Findings on Women’s Political Participation in Pakistan” with Muhammad Yasir Khan (Pitt) and Luke Sonnet (Independent scholar) (under review) (+)

Abstract: Why does women’s political participation continue to lag behind men’s in much of the world? Using primary census and network data from 37 communities in Pakistan, this letter documents that perceptions of norms around whether women should participate in politics are pessimistic: individuals underestimate actual support men and women hold for women’s political participation. Further, despite previous evidence that the household primarily structures women’s behavior in patriarchal societies, we show that women’s social networks have little overlap with those of men in their own households and, more importantly, that women’s pessimistic expectations about others’ beliefs are more strongly correlated with beliefs of socially proximate women than with men in their households. We conclude that efforts to reduce the gender gap in political participation may therefore benefit from targeting pessimistic expectations of norms, focusing particularly on women’s social neighbors.

Command and Can’t Control: Assessing Centralized Accountability in the Public Sector“, with Juan Felipe Ladino (Stockholm), Muhammad Zia Mehmood (UC Berkeley), and Daniel Rogger (World Bank) (under review) (+)

Abstract: A long-established approach to management in government has been the transmission of information up a hierarchy, centralized decision-making by senior management, and corresponding centralized accountability; colloquially known as ‘command and control’. This paper examines the effectiveness of a centralized accountability system implemented at scale in Punjab, Pakistan for six years. The scheme automatically identified poorly performing schools and jurisdictions for the attention of central man- agement. We find that flagging of schools and corresponding de facto punishments had no impact on school or student outcomes. We use detailed data on key elements of the education production function to show that command and control approaches to managing the general public sector do not induce bureaucratic action towards im- provements in government performance.

Manuscripts in Progress

“Does Revolution Work? Post-revolutionary evolution of Nepal’s political classes” with Bishma Bhusal (Govt of Nepal),  Michael Callen (LSE), Rohini Pande (Harvard), Soledad Prillaman (Stanford), and Deepak Singhania (EPOD) (+)

– Funded by International Growth Center and Empirical Studies of Conflict, and Innovations for Poverty Action
– Read about the project on the EPOD, Harvard website

Project Description: Decentralization bears the promise of more representative and accountable democratic institutions. In many countries, particularly new and developing democracies, this vision of decentralization has yet to be realized, instead yielding more extractive and corrupt institutions. Can new democracies generate institutions that are both representative and effective? As one of the world’s most ambitious decentralization processes, Nepal’s recent political transformation provides a useful laboratory to evaluate the consequences of decentralization in a new and developing democracy. In 2015, in the wake of the decade-long Maoist People’s War, Nepal abolished its 240-year-old monarchy and established a new constitution formalizing Nepal’s political structure as a federal republic. The 2017 local elections in Nepal innaugurated this decentralization process, ushering into elected office more than 30,000 newly elected representatives. Using a census of 3.68 million Nepalis across eleven districts, party nomination lists, and data on the universe of candidates and elected politicians, we provide a comprehensive documentation of patterns of political selection in Nepal’s first local elections. We show that politicians are positively selected relative to both the population and their respective clans, being significantly more educated and richer than the population they represent. Politicians are also generally representative of the population in terms of Caste and gender. This representativeness, however, is largely the result of political reservations. Furthermore, elitism does not substantially drive political selection: belonging to historically elite castes is only weakly correlated with being a candidate in these elections and this relationship is absent among candidates from the Maoist party, consistent with Maoist ideology. We then compare these recent patterns of selection with electoral outcomes from local elections conducted under monarchic rule in 1992. These historic elections resulted in relatively less representative institutions, where almost no women and few Dalits gained representation. Remarkably, modern Nepal bears a closer resemblance to consolidated Western democracies, achieving both meritocratic and generally inclusive political institutions. We argue and suggestively demonstrate that this is in part the result of Maoist influence on the Constitutional process.

“Mobilizing Women at Scale: Mixed Evidence from a Field Experiment” with Anirvan Chowdhury (Berkeley) and Durgesh Pathak (AAP) (+)

Women constitute half of eligible voters in India, yet it is rare to see political parties mobilizing women as a concerted voting bloc, or grounding their electoral campaign on women-centric issues. In 2017, India’s Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) chose to target women during local municipality elections by contesting a random set of constituencies on women-centric issues disseminated in private or public settings. Further, AAP cross- randomised this by using women canvassers to convey campaign messages in their door to door campaigns. In this paper, we study the effects of this new campaign in open and female-reserved constituencies on electoral outcomes and political participation by gender.

Book Chapters

Studying Sensitive Topics in Fragile Contexts”  (2019) with Mohammed Isaqzadeh (Princeton) and Jacob Shapiro (Princeton)In Data collection in Fragile States: Innovations from Africa. Johannes Hoogeveen and Utz Pape, eds. Palgrave  (+)

Abstract: This chapter discusses the challenges to studying sensitive attitudes and topics in fragility, conflict and violence settings and summarizes the most common approaches to overcoming them. The first section reviews the challenges involved in studying sensitive attitudes and the factors that could introduce bias and affect the validity of such research. The second section discusses four techniques (endorsement experiment, list experiment, randomized response, and behavioral approaches) that have been developed by researchers to overcome these challenges. The chapter presents an overview of studies that have utilized these techniques and discusses their advantages and limitations.

Resting Projects

“Official Attendance Data for Politically Connected Bureaucrats Are Less Accurate” with Michael Callen (LSE), Ali Hasanain (LUMS), and Muhammad Yasir Khan (Pitt) (+)

Abstract: Research shows that official data can often deviate from the truth. This paper shows that the absence of bureaucrats is underreported when they areofficial_data politically connected. We compare absence reports in the universe of government inspections of public clinics in Punjab, Pakistan (N=79,318), with independent unannounced inspections of a representative sample of 850 clinics. We present robust evidence that government data underreport doctor and staff absence by up to 12.9 percentage points. Importantly, we show that doctors who personally know the local politician are less likely to be reported absent in official data. Our results signal caution in the use of official data as incentives to misrepresent data may be correlated with political objectives.